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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. To view a copy of this license, visit http: Introduction Globalisasi has become a familiar term in Indonesian popular discourse. It refers to the inevitable coming of a totalising force that threatens to abruptly change everything, requiring everyone to alter the way they conduct themselves socially, politically, economically, culturally, and linguistically.
Like elsewhere, the discourse-on- globalisation Blommaert Towards late s amidst mounting dissatisfaction with the government and the economic uncertainty linked to the Asian financial crisis, various regions took it upon themselves to demand greater political voice and a fairer distribution of resources.
Decades of a centralised system that saw profits from resource-rich regions pooled in Jakarta was no longer seen as adequate in meeting the politico-economic needs of the regions.
A major change of government in was followed a year later by the enactment of a new law that would see the regions granted greater autonomy.
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The law provided a scope for greater political participation and encouraged regions to search for a unique identity in order to compete politically at national level. Such identities are projected through cultural and linguistic indexes such as use of karins languages and traditional attire.
Ssitta new democratic climate, increased prosperity achieved from strong economic growth in the previous decades, and higher level of education, gave citizens a higher level of mobility, particularly among the younger generation. The language champions in the novels are voices from the margins – minor characters who do not evolve emotionally but whose role is indispensible in enabling major characters to have that experience. These characters are indices of the 1 Undang-Undang Nomer 22 Tahunp.
Wong cilik are citizens with little social capital who are subjected to domination. Although they may actively promote their causes, they are inevitably caught in peripherality. The minor characters want to project themselves as global citizens but they do this by forging a uniquely local identity. In doing so, the meaning of their social participation remains localised.
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The major characters are the ones who have the social capital to go beyond the local. Through them the meaning of global participation is extended and redefined, from a peripheral aspiration to a more cosmopolitan, confident perspective.
In this sense, the minor and major characters are necessarily linked as agents of social processes. Through such processes local identity is renewed and redefined. Whereas it is customary in literary analysis to consider characters as different, individualised subjects, here I argue for an analysis that stresses the continuity between subjects.
The sociolinguistics of globalisation provides an appropriate frame for advancing the idea that social agents do not act alone; they are bound to others through spatial embeddedness, language, and shared ideologies. Teenlit and localisation Blommaert Localities remain local despite translocal influences.
How does teenlit as a genre fit this view? In this section I discuss the process of localisation that follow the adoption of the genre from the US. How did teenlit become an Indonesian genre? I argue that the process of localisation has been driven by multiple factors but significantly by criticisms against the genre itself which emerged during the early phase of democratisation.
Essentially, critics objected to novels that depict Indonesian teenagers with the lifestyle of middle-class American teenagers. Writers responded to the criticisms in different ways, one of which is by producing novels that deal with social issues, such as the impact of globalisation on regional languages and cultures.
The novels discussed here are among these. The languages featured in the novels are essentially those with which the authors are familiar, either because of their ethnic background, the predominant language spoken in the locality where they are currently based, or both. Esti not only resides in Jakarta but also takes pride in coming from a Betawi background. The third writer, Ken Terate, is based in the city of Yogyakarta where she was also born and educated.
The Princess Diaries series, written by Meg Cabot, were among the early works that were 3 This is not necessarily the case for other writers however. When asked about this, she revealed that for that novel, she engaged the services of a translator interview with the author, January This series helped define the genre for the Indonesian audience.
Budding young writers began producing local novels, encouraged by major publishers who saw that the new genre provided a lucrative market. As noted by Simamorateenlit filled the gap in a market dominated for many years by didactically written fictional texts and translated Japanese comics.
Putri Hujan & Ksatria Malam / Sitta Karina | National Library of Australia
Stories about the lives of urban teenagers written in a colloquial style, packaged as books with brightly coloured covers with images of cheerful looking teenagers, quickly captured the imagination of young middle-class readers.
In a relatively short time, teenlit novels became the preferred read among urban teens. At the same time, it invited debates among educationalists, literary figures, and the wider public about what should count as good reading for young people.
The adoption of the genre from the US was not the main point of contestation.
Rather, the fact that it led to an assumption among writers at the time that they had to replicate the themes of American novels was. These novels bear themes that revolve around a comfortable but unfamiliar world resembling that occupied by middle-class American teenage girls but populated by Jarina urban teens. The American-inspired themes, coupled with the colloquial style of writing, became the two major points of objections among critics.
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Thus objections to the genre were expressed in terms of concerns not only about language but also morality see Djenar It is represented most explicitly through the speech and conduct of minor characters and more broadly through those of major characters.
In Indonesia, and indeed elsewhere, the concern over the survival of local cultures and languages has been motivated, on the one hand, by greater awareness of the accessibility of English and its increased use among speakers. The rapid increase in the use of English has caused anxiety as well confidence. Educationists fear that the use of English would hamper the proper acquisition of standard Indonesian among the young.
This concern comes not only from parents but also young people themselves, as seen for example in blogs and online forums. Thus at the same time as people enjoy having greater political participation afforded by the autonomy law and increased social capital linked to knowledge of English, there is a sense that they have to continue preparing for globalisasi – something which, in public imaginary, is yet to come rather than something ongoing.
The representations of youth interaction in the novels are local in multiple senses. First of all, the novels are Indonesian-language novels about characters culturally and linguistically grounded in Indonesia, though having translocal influences.
For example, one character speaks in Javanese, dresses in Javanese traditional attire but sings effortlessly in English, another speaks in Betawi but prefers his ethnic name to be pronounced in English. In teenlit novels, translocal influences are thus a given, a starting point from which the process of localisation begins. At metapragmatic level, the adoption of the genre from a foreign source itself represents a process of localisation.
At the story- world level, both the minor and major characters are urban citizens who have been exposed to translocal influences. The stories begin with them having had such influences. But the minor characters are also deeply local in world-view and stances.
They are the symbolic vehicles by which major characters experience the local. Through the experience, these characters develop as individuals. The theme of the survival of batik raised by Nuranindya in CC, for example, was also the main theme of an acclaimed novel by Arswendo Atmowiloto What is new in teenlit is the way in which this theme is packaged within the broader context of globalisation, linking the local city of Yogyakarta to Indonesia and the world rather.
The protagonist can realise her dream of studying fashion design in Paris precisely because she has had an internship at a local boutique, working under the tutelage of a respected batik designer. Thus the experience at local level is what enables one to move beyond it. The next section discusses in more detail how this local-to-global trajectory is woven into this and the other two novels. Adolescents and the preservation of local languages and cultures Teenlit novels are written in a style that draws on both colloquial and standard varieties of Indonesian in ways that depart from their older counterparts see e.
Whereas in older novels colloquial language is largely reserved for dialogue, teenlit writers also use it in narration, making the writing conversation-like. The layering is indicated through a range of semiotic indices, ranging from personal name, the languages the characters have knowledge of, their socioeconomic background, level of spatial mobility, and ideological orientation.
Minor characters from an ethnic group whose social cause is advanced are presented as ideologically heterogeneous, suggesting not only the contested nature of ethnicity and ethnic causes but also the plurality of the voices that advance them.
This in turn reflects the diversity of adolescents as a social group. The story is told from the point of view of a main character, Irish short from Fairisha quiet, plain-looking girl, student of a high school in the capital Jakarta.
Another main character, Davi, is a newcomer to the school. These girls try all sorts of tricks to vie for his attention, but arrogant and belligerent Davi took to Irish precisely because of her quiet demeanour and ordinary looks.
Through her calmness Irish helps Davi deal with his trauma caused by a car accident in which his previous girlfriend was killed. Being with Irish helps Davi overcome his guilt of being the driver of that car. The story tells of the gradual forming of relationship between the two.
Though both characters are Betawi and come from a low socio-economic background, they are presented as two ideologically different individuals. Udin is a champion for Betawi language and culture, while Ucup is a boy who wants to be a non-Betawi. When Davi arrived at his new school, Udin was absent due to typhoid fever — an illness often associated people from the lower socio-economic stratum. The little we know comes from the speech of another character, Metha, as shown in 1.
Jauh-jauh dari kampung hijrah ke Jakarta, eh begitu lahir namanya Ucup lagi Ucup lagi! He speaks Betawi and demands that his friends reciprocate. Here Jakarta refers to the metropolitan centre, while kampung is the periphery where Ucup comes from. Untuk meredam arus globalisasi, katanya, eh, katenye.
sittta Juga supaya nilai-nilai tradisional tidak tergusur. Yang kebarat-baratan kayak Yuwkap, so pasti tidak dilayani! To slow down the currents of globalisation, he says katanyaeh, he says in Betawi katenye. Also to prevent traditional values from disappearing. Those who pretend to be westerners like Yuwkap, will definitely not be served. Both phrases suggest that participation in the globalisation processes is not a matter of choice lukiasn a case of being swept along an unfamiliar path cf.
The differences between Udin and Ucup show the diversity in local responses to this process. The contrast between the Betawi characters is a contrast between preferred and dispreferred ideological positions respectively.
Udin is the preferred Betawi identity: This identity is communicated through several indices: